Tuesday, December 22, 2015

SUPPLEMENTARY REFLECTION (PINOY POLITICS 101): On Pinoy Politics, Economy and Laudato Si




   On Pinoy Politics, Economy and Laudato Si
      
A Reflection on Laudato Si: On Care for Our Common Home
  Br. John Andrew Bautista, OP

“Those who possess more resources and economic or political power seem mostly to be concerned with masking the problems or concealing their symptoms…Politics must not be subject to the economy, nor should the economy be subject to the dictates of an efficiency-driven paradigm of technocracy.”Laudato Si


Election time is nearly upon us, and it promises to be an interesting one.  With few months left before the much anticipated National Elections this coming May 2016, Filipinos are still left reeling and wondering who can possibly be our nation’s leaders from the national to the local level. At this point in time, perhaps even Juan Dela Cruz still needs to make up his mind on who will be his bet and kingpin to take over the throne in Malacañang, which is undeniably, the most coveted and sought-after post in the land.

While from the most ordinary to the vastly affluent Filipinos are scratching and shaking their heads in perplexity and gratuitous confusion, economic players, businessmen, entrepreneurs and capitalists of our economic industries are conceivable more plunked in pressure because of this forthcoming shake-up of power in the government. For them, a change of power means a change of bosses, a change of trade partners and a switch of loyalty. This 2016 National Elections is for them a big liability, rather than a faultless opportunity.

With the release of this first-ever papal encyclical on climate change and the environment, several political leaders and members of the local government have been anxious and distressed because this encyclical unequivocally offends their partners and donors in the economic and corporate industries. In the Philippines, little did we know that a great number of our prominent political leaders who are governing our country today are at the same time, belonging to the economic players and land-owning elites of the society. Who has not heard yet of these prominent names such as the Cojuangcos, the Aranetas, the

Jacintos, the Madrigals, and the Yulos? According to Political Scientist Temario Rivera in his book Landlords and Capitalists, “Through government influence, these landed capitalists caused the diversion of state resources to traditional elite economic activities like sugar and coconut milling, limiting further industrial diversification.” [1]


With this fact and reality we have now with regards to our leaders in power and serving in office, having both political and economic power is not at all wrong and immoral, but rather it can be said that having both at the same time is altogether tempting and extremely dangerous. One can imagine the assets of the family’s domain — business revenues, land, agricultural commodities and industries can all be used and expended to attain and preserve political dominance in the Government. 

Moreover, a politician who in himself an above-board landlord and capitalist can easily approve or veto rights and policies that will favor his own interests and promptly discount the welfare and the benefit of the public. Regrettably, with all this array of admonition that we continuously relay to the leaders serving our country, still, several of our revered idols in the political arena have an obvious monopoly of politics and the economy. This condition, indubitably, puts our society in serious peril. 

Heeding to the call of Pope Francis in Laudato Si, it is imperative that not only in every election time or period that we suddenly become choosy and selective with the leaders that will rule our land, but rather, if we truly want to be a “watchdog” of the nation that we all love, we should all commonly safeguard it and care for it, for after all, it is our ‘common home’ as our Holy Father would put it. We shall select leaders who will not put our country, our Mother Earth at risk by having leaders pursuing personal and selfish interests. We should not select leaders who are driven by money and power but of genuine public service and love for humanity.

My dream and vision as a concerned citizen and as a student of the Catholic faith, is all but simple— what we need are political leaders with a renewed character and moral fibre, leaders who can redefine political leadership not as individuals who think of themselves but rather of others. In a word, they should be Christ-like. They should be men and women thinking that everybody is part of one family, of one shared home. It is on this outlook and mindset I most humbly and honestly believe that we can ultimately take care of the world that we live in. 

As our struggling nation continues to hope for a promise of change and prosperity in a government that is always been labeled as ‘corrupt’ and ‘inefficient’, the big question is: “Can these prominent and influential economic players who are significantly involved in the transformation, development and welfare of our country valiantly cooperate with the next set of leaders that are coming ahead? “ Our Holy Father Pope Francis is echoing the demands of communities around the world who want real solutions to be done. In order to address the ecological and economic crisis of the world, our leaders need to enforce measures that should benefit and do good to everyone and not with selfish and narcissistic driven solutions.

Our journey in choosing our next leaders will be nonetheless challenging and problematic for us, that’s for sure. But at the end of the day, whatever one's political status or affiliation, we have a moral obligation to keep an eye on these political candidates on this forthcoming elections. We all have the power to choose the leaders who will be the builders and guardians of our common home.

This act may look like a feeble step in our desire for change, nevertheless this move is nothing but a brave response to the call of Laudato Si.

#JuannaChange #PhilippinesOurCommonHome #Hopefor2016 -





[1] Temario C. Rivera, Landlords and Capitalists: Class, Family and State in Philippine Manufacturing (Diliman QC: University of the Philippines Press, 1994) 45-46.

PINOY POLITICS 101: ON POLITICAL DYNASTIES Part V


PINOY POLITICS 101: Fifth of Five Modular Lessons

 Social Criticisms on the Issue of the Practice of Political Dynasties

       John Andrew S. Bautista, OP


The existence and practice of Political Dynasties in the Philippines remain a very hot and debated social and political issue of today. It is and will remain, a subject of conflict and controversy that has engulfed not only Philippine politics but the entire Filipino nation as well. In every election period, the case of the practice of Political Dynasties would always be put into discussion and ultimately be at the center of attention - we hear reactions, comments and criticisms left and right, denouncing its existence and thus calling for a move to eventually prohibit them.

Having been told of the numerous negative effects and disadvantages of tolerating the practice of Political Dynasties in the country, how does the society in general react with the proliferation and prevalence of Political Dynasties in the society? Is there an accepted stance, move or aren’t there any law to practically control the growing number of dynastic politicians serving the government?

On the first narrative, the researcher shall present a Philippine constitutional provision which prohibits the existence of political dynasties. On this note, we shall look and examine this provision to determine how the framers of the constitution of our state view the issue and practice of Political Dynasties that go end-to-end from the spirit and ideals of our democracy. On the other hand, in the second narrative, the researcher shall also look at the stance of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines, the local assembly of the Catholic Church Hierarchy in the country, considered as widely influential when it comes to making a moral stance, judgments and viewpoints concerning the relevant social issues that are happening in the Philippine society.


The 1987 Constitutional Provision Prohibiting the Existence of Political Dynasties


As mentioned earlier, before the Marcos dictatorship, in what has been described as an era of elite democracy, political control was dominated by a relatively small class of political families like the Ortegas in La Union, the Abads in Batanes, the Albanos in Isabela, the Cojuangcos in Tarlac, the Laurels in Batangas, the Fuentebellas in Camarines Sur, the Aquinos in Sorsogon, and the Cuencos and the Osmeñas in Cebu, to name some.

Under the authoritarian regime of Marcos, some survived and thrived like the Ablans in Ilocos Norte, the Asistios in Caloocan, the Dys in Isabela, the Escuderos of Sorsogon, the Josons in Nueva Ecija, and the Romualdezes in Leyte.[1]

Full with idealism after the end of Marcos era and dictatorship, the framers of the 1987 Constitution, painfully aware of the potential abuse and excess of allowing select families to have political control, introduced Article II, Section 26, which states that: “The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service andprohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law.”[2]

With regards to this provision in our constitution, the intention here is to prohibit political dynasties in the society so as to guarantee its citizens, regardless whether you are an elite or not, to equal opportunities for public service and it is the duty of our law-making bodies (the Congress) to define the same.[3] The Congress is given the discretion in defining political dynasty, which is to identify and clarify what comprises a political dynasty, to what extent in terms of the degree of consanguinity a dynastic politician should be prohibited from running into office and among other technicalities. 

Throughout the years, there have been various attempts to pass an enabling law to implement Article II, Section XXVI of the 1987 constitution. In 2004, then Senator Alfredo Lim filed Senate bill 1317, an anti-dynasty bill, followed by Senator Panfilo Lacson in 2007, and Senator Miriam Santiago in 2011. The latest and the most recent move that many touted as “a promising step” towards passing an Anti-Dynasty law, is House Bill 3587 or the Act Prohibiting the Establishment of Political Dynasties that prohibits relatives up to the second degree of consanguinity to hold or run for both national and local office in “successive, simultaneous, or overlapping terms.”[4] It was also specified in this bill that elective posts would not be passed on to a member of the same family. It states that no person within the prohibited civil degree of relationship to the incumbent will be allowed to immediately succeed to the position of the latter.

In addition, Capiz Representative Fredenil Castro, stated and described this bill as “a proposed anti-political dynasty law to provide equal access of opportunities for public service for everybody, regardless of status in life, to have equal access to opportunity for public service.”[5] As of the moment, the said proposed bill is still in the House plenary, it still awaits the legislators in the congress to open this bill for debates and amendments subject for discussion.

Still, almost 27 years after the ratification of the 1987 constitution, the reality is that an anti-dynasty bill has yet to be passed. In a congress populated by politicians who come from political families, numerous scholars and analysts believe that passing an anti-dynasty bill is next to impossible given the current political arena we have in the country.



[1] Julio C. Teehankee, Emerging Dynasties in the Post-Marcos House of Representatives, Philippine Political Science Journal, Vol. 22 No.45 (2012)

[2] The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines  Article II: Section XXVI, 3.

[3] Constitutional Construction implies that the above quoted section is by its terms not self- executing or self-implementing as most constitutional provision are or should be immediately effective without a need for statutory implementation. Section 26 is the opposite and will remain toothless unless this provision is activated by the Congress. Cf. Hector de Leon, Textbook on the Philippine Constitution, (Rex Publishing, 1994), 79.

[4] Miguel S. Fernandez III, “Anti-Political Dynasty Bill reaches house plenary”, Philippine Daily Inquirer, May 6, 2014, http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/600110/anti-political-dynasty-bill-reaches-plenary /.html (accessed November 9, 2014).
[5] Ibid.,

[6] A Pastoral Statement of the CBCP on certain issues of today: On Political Dynasties, January 28, 2013, http://cbcponline.net/v2/?p=9492 /.html (accessed November 9, 2014).

[7] A Pastoral Statement of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) on certain issues of today: On Political Dynasties, (January 2013).

[8] CBCP’s attack vs political dynasties not the first time, CBCP News Online, January 30, 2013. http://www.cbcpnews.com/cbcpnews/?p=12531/.html (accessed November 9, 2014).

PINOY POLITICS 101: ON POLITICAL DYNASTIES Part IV

PINOY POLITICS 101: Fourth of Five Modular Lessons

Socio-Political Dynamics of the Practice of Political Dynasties in the Philippines 

       John Andrew S. Bautista, OP


The question whether the practice of Political Dynasties is good or bad for the society cannot just be answered from a theoretical or moral standpoint, as it is and as would political theorists, sociologist and socio-political thinkers would suggest, it should always be based on an empirical grounds and evidence to be able to make a convincing and a definitive stand on the issue of Political Dynasties.  The researcher, in presenting the perceived effects of political dynasties specifically its prevalence and practice within the Philippine society, based and collected views, interpretations and observations from a number of researches and study on the present-day practice of Political Dynasties in the Philippines from sociologists, political analysts and professors alike.

            A. Effects of the practice of Political Dynasties in the Philippine Society

Running the country with Political Dynasties around have different effects in people, society and in our country. It is already a part of our Filipino culture, a part of who we really are as men and women who aspire to lead and govern our country. With no controlling or defined law to practically control, delimit and prohibit these dynasties, as of the moment, it is safe to assume that these Political Dynasties are here to stay and remain for a period of time. However, one big question with this practice and existence of Political Dynasties that can be asked today is that: Are these dynasties keeping the Philippines from achieving its full potential by keeping political power to themselves?

Pro-Political Dynasties (principally composed of people from those political clans and families) contend that it is not about the number of politicians from the same clan but their integrity and track record in public service.[1] They bluntly claim that their ascendance to power sprang from a good forerunner who is ultimately loved by his or her constituents. Their legacy-related motivations is their main reason to serve the people because for them, political service runs well in their blood.

With regards to this line of thought, Political Analyst Mon Casiple says that if political dynasties have a good record of keeping the country in order possibly because it runs in their blood or the political family has good intention in ruling, then it is without question, “favorable” for its constituents.[2] Former President Joseph Ejercito Estrada, now the present Mayor of the City of Manila, thinks of the practice of political dynasties in this similar positive perspective, He stated that:
The people are the final judge….As long as these Traditional Politicians are doing their job and they will do their job well and they are not using guns, goons and gold or the so-called ‘three Gs’, then let the people decide and vote for them.[3]

Likewise for Casiple, he states that one positive advantage and effect of choosing traditional politicians from political families is that political dynasties allow extended time horizons that enable more effective planning and implementation of policies with long-term goals. Thus, the longer their tenure the more they tend to care about long term outcomes projects and developments that they have started can be assured of continuity and progress because they themselves have control of it.

Apparently, politicians with shorter tenures often yield to populist demands and reject difficult but necessary reforms that pay-off in the future, and are critical to sustained, robust, and inclusive growth.

In patronizing politicians coming from political families, it is a given advantage that they are of a large network, that they have what they call in political language, political machineries.[4] It is without a doubt that the political machineries of politicians provide a good and a viable source for networking and catering the needs and demands of the constituents. In the society, especially in the Philippines, Casiple argued that to be somehow more effective in addressing the problems and the needs of the citizens, politicians must have this kind of a team or group that will aid and assist the him/her to execute the plans and platforms which he/she have laid out. Furthermore, he added that given the fact that our country has a lot of social problems and dilemmas to face with, a lone and a solitary leader cannot carry out and fulfill its duties without a ‘network’ that will be behind you.




Additionally, in an intriguing study by Solon et.al in 2001[5] from the University of the Philippines -Diliman School of Economics, they argue that political dynasties may not be necessarily detrimental to development. They contend that the decisive factor behind poor public services provision and low-level welfare in many local areas may actually be “the lack of competition among political families -- not their presence per se.”[6] They find that incumbent dynastic governors adopt projects and programs that are anchored towards development when faced with challenges from other political clans, basically to differentiate themselves from rival political families.

To sum up, these politicians coming from political dynasties do not just rely solely on their names, fame, political legacy and credibility that have catapulted them into power and position in the government. They too have this traditional kinship network that plays a key role in executing their function as servants and leaders of the state. For the dynastic politicians serving our government, having the practice of political dynasties is clearly not wrong for them. Senator Edgardo Angara Sr. says that:
The practice of Political Dynasties is not an issue at least for my supporters and constituents. If you are talking about excellent leadership that was exhibited either by my parents, grandparents and all my other relatives, then it is simply a testament of our credibility in public service that will help us in getting reelected to serve our people.[7]

What was presented earlier are some perceived positive aspects and effects in the practice of political dynasties quoted from a number of actual politicians themselves and political observers and analysts alike. At this point, we advance further in our study by now citing and identifying the negative effects as well as criticisms regarding the practice of Political Dynasties in the Philippines. The following narratives that will be presented are the perceived and recognized negative effects based from empirical studies, analysis and observation from professionals and professors alike in the field of politics, political science and philosophy and sociology:

According to the study of Mendoza, Ronald, et. al in Inequality in democracy: Insights from an empirical analysis of Political Dynasties in the 15th Philippine Congress in 2012[8], one foremost negative effect of this practice is that the prevalence of political dynasties signals the deterioration of political equality that results to political monopoly. It palpably leads to a deterioration of socioeconomic outcomes that prevent people from effectively communicating their needs to their government. Political inequality, in turn, could be a critical and decisive factor behind other forms of inequality such as economic inequality and income equality which visibly leads to poverty in the society.

Furthermore, Mendoza, et.al claimed that in Philippine politics wherein power and control is crucial towards meeting the desired goals and achievements, dynastic officials can use the powers of the state for self-serving interests without fear of replacement or administrative sanctions. According to the aforementioned study, “they themselves possess bias in the selection of political leaders, thereby favoring those with influence, possibly preventing the best and the brightest leaders from serving in the government, and/or biasing policies in favor of their way and with their corresponding jurisdictions of service.”[9] In the same way, this tactic by dynastic politicians is what they call the “tactic of self-preservation and expansion”[10] which renders for a continuing rule of political dynasties through party-switching for networking for the purpose of political preservation.

In Philippine politics, as we have all witnessed and observed in every medium existing such as the media and in recent technology such as in the internet, image and visual packaging have undeniably become key factors in the expansion, preservation, and continuing rule of political dynasties. Partnerships with lawyers, the media and the press, showbiz personalities and various corporations have favored wider expansion and greater popularity for these political dynasties, ensuring their rule over their opponents. [11]

Correspondingly, in the article of S. Coronel entitled Seven M’s of Dynasty building[12], she argued that the combination of factors like wealth, popularity, myth, and violence contribute to the formation of Political Dynasties. Wealth is very crucial because running for and remaining in office is costly and expensive. However, she also argues that wealth and popularity are not sufficient enough to form political dynasties because political success in both local and national levels require a political machinery. She contends that the success of a political campaign is contingent on the creation of a political network capable of transforming wealth and influence into votes. With this trend occurring that proves to be a vital factor to win the election and ultimately attaining a seat in the government, this trend alone makes the playing field apparently unfair as the non-elite and those with low-profile aspiring politicians would simply rely purely on their own financial capability and in their own way of promotion and campaign without the aid and support of these alliances, networks and political machineries.

Similarly, in the study of Political Analyst and Professor Julio C. Teehankee concerning the emergence and persistence of Political Dynasties in the Philippines[13], he argues that the practice of political dynasties itself stems from the highly unequal socio-economic structure of Philippine society and the failure of the country to develop a truly democratic electoral and party system that is similar to our western democratic counterparts like that of the United States of America. It has been noted that in the Philippines the politics of personalities trumps the development of robust political parties and political platforms. This observation seems to be validated by the dominance of political dynasties in most of the major political parties in the Philippines today.

Ultimately for Teehankee, the prevalence and existence of political dynasties in the Philippine society will deny the ability of the majority to contest the elite, and will therefore directly limit them in attaining and holding public office.

In addition to the claim of Teehankee, as depicted and noted earlier, membership to a political dynasty increases one’s chances of being elected into office, as shown by statistics that dynastic officials ruled both the local and national level in terms of positions they occupy. With this foregoing trend, the foreseeable effect is that it allows the politician to constrain competition by excluding most citizens from participating in political leadership roles.

Once in the position of power, Teehankee argued that dynastic officials have the possibility and probability to promote narrow class interests or worse is that it may be of selfish personal interest. If this occurs, political participation can be further weakened and thus will allow political dynasties to be strengthened through misleading information and voter disillusionment. In turn, the people may misinterpret political platforms, vote candidates who do not represent their interests and will address their actual needs, or altogether dismiss the need to scrutinize political platforms and go for personality or to vote senselessly by name-recall.[14]

Another factor and effect that Political Dynasties in this country bring about is the issue of these dynasties consistent involvement in Political violence and killings in the previously mentioned article the Seven M’s of Dynasty building.

Sheila Coronel argues that “the long history of politically motivated assassinations indicates that violence provides some dynastic politicians the opportunity to remove or grievously cripple the rival political dynasties.”[15] Frequently, in the local level of the government, political violence is one strategy that most political empires utilize in order to intimidate and threaten their opponents from running into office. One notable example is the infamous brutal and violent Maguindanao Massacre in 2009. The event is considered a political related incident, killing 58 people that consists of aspiring political candidates, journalists and their security escorts. The said incident’s suspect is  at that time’s incumbent Governor of Maguindanao Zaldy Ampatuan Sr., considered a prominent member of the Ampatuan clan, a dynasty wherein its members occupies the most elected positions in Maguindanao before and after this incident had happened.

For professor and sociologist Randy David, this heinous crime and incident happened because they make use of their big clan as a political power to reckon with in his own territory. He said that:
These people do not bother to recruit proxies to run for public office and represent their interests; they themselves become the officers of the state, bequeathing public positions to their children as if these were part of the family heirloom.[16]
  
This analysis by David is parallel to saying that political dynasties make use of their position in the public office as a means of gaining power and dominion over other individuals more equipped in serving the populace that them. And in the event that they are being threatened to be removed from office, they use the power of their private armies in their political machineries to dispatch of the so-called “enemy” which happened to the family of Governor Toto, Governor Ampatuan’s foremost opponent in Maguindanao.

On the other hand, one ingenuous claim that the existence of Political Dynasties trigger is that it causes more poverty. In the Philippines, it is undeniable that poverty is extremely rampant. In reality, do Political Dynasties cause more poverty here in the country? Looking and revisiting the study conducted by Mendoza, Ronald, et. al of the Asian Institute of Management entitled Political Dynasties and Poverty: Evidence from the Philippines in 2013[17] showed that Political Dynasties may not necessarily be affecting poverty. That is, Political Dynasties neither reduce nor increase poverty here in the Philippines because according to the study, political parties in the country are not really offering nor supporting polices that benefit the poor but instead are introducing policies that perpetuate more the practice of these Political Dynasties.

However, the said study uncovered strong evidence that the more severe poverty in a place or territory is, the higher is the prevalence of Political Dynasties. Mendoza, et.al argued that patron-client relationships are the recourse of the poor, and these in turn reinforce the self-perpetuation of Political Dynasties. They added that the areas or territories with more poor people tend to have the existence of several political dynasties.



[1] Romeo Pefianco, “Term Limit and Political Dynasties,” Manila Bulletin Online, August 20, 2014, http://www.mb.com.ph/term-limit-and-political-dynasties/.html (accessed November 10, 2014).
[2] Jenny Aguilar, “Out with Political Dynasties- Casiple,” Manila Standard Today Online, April 10, 2014,http://manilastandardtoday.com/2014/04/10/out-with-political-dynasties-analyst/.html (accessed November 10, 2014)
[3] Ibid.,
[4]  A political machine is a political organization in which an authoritative boss or small group commands the support of a corps of supporters and businesses (usually campaign workers), who receive rewards for their efforts. The machine's power is based on the ability of the workers to get out the vote for their candidates on election day. Cf. Oxford Dictionary of Politics, 2nd ed., s.v. “political machine.”
[5] Sol O. Fabella, “Is local development good politics?” UPSE Journal Vol.3.No.5.(2001):     24-36.
[6] Ibid., 16.
[7] Randy David, What’s wrong with Political Dynasties? Philippine Daily Inquirer Online, October 3, 2012, http://opinion.inquirer.net/38012/whats-wrong-with-political-dynasties./html (accessed November 12, 2014).
[8] Ronald Mendoza, et.al., Inequality in democracy: Insights from an empirical analysis of Political Dynasties in the 15th Philippine Congress, Research Paper, Asian Institute of Management, (2012).
[9] Ibid., 14-15
[10] Ibd., 20.
[11] Ronald Mendoza, et.al., The 2013 Philippine Mid-Term Election: An Empirical Analysis of Dynasties, Vote Buying and the Correlates of Senate Votes, Research Paper, Asian Institute of Management, (2013) 36-37.
[12] Sheila Coronel, The Seven M’s of Dynasty Building, Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, http://pcij.org/stories/the-seven-ms-of-dynasty-building/.html (accessed November 17, 2014).
[13] Julio C. Teehankee, And the Clans Play On, Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, http://pcij.org/stories/and-the-clans-play-on/.html (accessed November 17, 2014).

[14] Ibid.,3-4.
[15] Sheila Coronel, The Seven M’s of Dynasty Building, Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, http://pcij.org/stories/the-seven-ms-of-dynasty-building/.html (accessed November 17, 2014).
[16] Randy David, The Case Against Political Dynasties, Philippine Daily Inquirer Online, April 15, 2007,http://opinion.inquirer.net/38012/the-case-against-political-dynasties./html (accessed November 14, 2014)
.
[17] Ronald Mendoza, et.al., Political Dynasties and Poverty: Evidence from the Philippines, Research Paper, Asian Institute of Management, (2013).

PINOY POLITICS 101: ON POLITICAL DYNASTIES Part III


PINOY POLITICS 101: Third of Five Modular Lessons

Present Day Practice of Political Dynasties in the Philippines

       John Andrew S. Bautista, OP


According to Philippine Political historian Bobby M. Tuazon,[1] nearly 50 percent of the country’s current political dynasties owe their ascendancy to post-Marcos era (1986-present) including the Ampatuans of the infamous Maguindanao massacre. In the entry of political appointees which began under the time President Corazon C. Aquino, it is understood that more new families were allowed to establish their respective dynasties in the political arena. The prevalence of political families in various public posts has become commonplace in the Philippine government today.

The end of Marcos dictatorship has seen the reestablishment of institutions of democratic governance. A number of old “landowning” elite political dynasties[2] weakened their hold, while new political players emerged. Democratization and decentralization of political power that was previously held by Marcos’ allies and cronies have contributed to the emergence of these new political players. Economic expansion have paved the way for non-elite political players with middle-class professional and entrepreneurial backgrounds, to penetrate the political arena. These new political players were active in the anti-Marcos struggle and served in the Aquino administration before embarking on a political career. These new faces and political players that abruptly burst into the scene include the Estradas, the Villars, the Cayetanos, the Angaras, the Arroyos, the Rectos, the Remullas and the Singsons to name a few. [3]

To sum up, the framework and the overall picture of the Philippine Political Dynasties today is comprised of politicians that can be classified as dynasties of ‘old’ and of ‘new’, those who were the prominent and established ‘elite dynasties’ that has stood through time from the post-colonization era and the latter being the Post-Marcos (Post-Edsa) new breed of Politicians who are middle-class players that gained prominence on the fall of the Marcos regime.



 Political Dynasties in the Philippines by the Numbers and Statistics
           

According to the study of CenPEG (Center for People Empowerment in Governance) which was conducted in 2011[4], it was found out that 94% of the provinces in the Philippines (73 out of total 80) have political dynasties. To be exact, accordingly there are 178 dominant political dynasties today (excluding those in local areas); of these 100 or 56% are old elites and 78 or 44% are new elites emerging from Edsa I People Power Revolution in 1986 and the 1987 post-Marcos era elections.

Also, according to a study of the Asian Institute of Management[5], at the opening of the 15th Congress of the Republic of the Philippines (July 26, 2010 to June 6, 2013), data shows that 68% of the members of the Congress (lower house and senate) belong to Political Dynasties. Moreover, it was also shown that the elected officials in the 15th congress have relatives who have been members of the 12th, 13th, 14th and 15th congresses, or local officials who were elected in 2001, 2004, 2007 and 2010. The same study also points out that these politicians belonging from a political dynasty possess higher net worth and win elections by larger margins of victory compared to those who are not members of a political clan or family.


In the last 2010 presidential elections wherein our country’s current President Benigno Simeon “Noynoy” C. Aquino III was elected, the same study of the Asian Institute of Management shows that during which the automated election system was used nationwide for the first time—the number of political dynasties both at the national and local levels continue to grow. The same study shows that political dynasties are also prominent in the Philippines' political parties as they make up 76% of the Lakas-Kampi Party, 56% of the Liberal Party (LP), 74% of the Nationalist People's Coalition (NPC), and 81% of the Nacionalista Party (NP). [6]

These dynasties that either belong or not in these political parties have been thriving with memberships increasing through dynastic succession and expansion of power. In the 15th Congress for instance, this ‘dynastic succession and expansion’ included local and national positions, covering legislative districts, provinces, and regions, and even penetrating the party-list system in the House of Representatives. According to Mon Casiple, a political analyst, said that “Politicians that come from political families have already become household names as they dominate today’s politics.”[7]

Evidently, in the results of the 2010 national elections, the top 3 presidential candidates all come and belong from political families. President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino won with 15,208,678 votes followed by fellow traditional politicians Joseph “Erap” Estrada and Manny Villar. The top 2 vice-presidential candidates also come from political families with Jejomar Binay having won the vice-presidential race followed closely by Manuel “Mar” Roxas.

 On the other hand, in the senatorial race of 2010 national elections, 8 of the senatorial winning candidates namely, Ramon “Bong” Revilla, Jinggoy Estrada, Juan Ponce Enrile, Pia Cayetano, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., Ralph Recto, Sergio “Serge” Osmeña III, and Teofisto “TG” Guingona, all too, come from political families.[8]

Furthermore, in the more recent 2013 National Mid-Term Senatorial Elections, again it was apparent that politicians from political clans prove to be the preferential choice for our country’s voters. 8 of the 12 winning senatorial candidates namely, Francis “Chiz” Escudero, Alan Peter Cayetano, Nancy Binay, Sonny Angara, Benigno “Bam” Aquino IV, Koko Pimentel, Cynthia Villar and JV Ejercito all belong from a particular clan or family who had served as politicians years, decades and generations before them.[9]

The study of Mendoza, Ronald, et. al in Political Dynasties and Poverty: Evidence from the Philippines[10] in 2013 classifies political dynasties in the country into two types, namely, the thin dynasties and the fat dynasties. On this study and research, it is was depicted how political families have learned the advantage of having multiple family members in several elective positions at the same time. This process of dynastic family succession within the political arena could be seen between the presence of this
 thin and fat dynasties. 

 A “thin” dynasty is a political clan that only has two members – like a father and son – swapping certain positions, as when a mayor-father, at the end of his maximum three terms, lets his son, who may also have reached his three-year term either as vice mayor, councilor, provincial governor or vice governor, running for each other’s position. In this type of dynasty, only one government position is being manipulated by the members of the political clan.

On the other hand, in a fat dynasty, the members of the political clan are in power and/or are running for different government positions at the same time. Furthermore, Fat dynasties have several members holding elective positions that can either be in a local or in the national level. In short, these are politicians from a political clan who make their presence felt in the entire political arena.  
Mendoza, in the aforementioned study that looked into reigning political clans with a tight control of elective positions in local governments nationwide, stated that “These political dynasties continue to monopolize political power in many local governments like provinces, municipalities and cities nationwide, as classified in current reigning political clans as “fat” or “thin” dynasties.”[11]




[1] Bobby, M. Tuazon, Six Centuries of Political Dynasties: Why the Philippines will Forever be Ruled by Political Clans? Center for People Empowerment in Governance, (2012).

[2] In the book Landlords and Capitalists: Class, Family and State in Philippine Manufacturing, political scientist Temario Rivera revealed that about 87 families controlled the top 120 manufacturing companies from 1964 to 1986. Sixteen of these families—about 20 percent—were involved in local politics. Majority of them were members of the ‘landowning elite’ that emerged during the 19th century, these include prominent names such as the Aranetas, the Cojuangcos, the Jacintos, the Madrigals, and the Yulos.  Thus, these so-called “landowning elites” were not just mere landowners and businessmen, at that period because of their power and position in the society, they had the opportunity to make a strong presence in the political scene by also being elected as politicians. For the longest time, Rivera explicitly pointed out that the social and class structure of the Philippines in this period sustained a landowning system that perpetually concentrated economic and political power to a core of landed families. Cf. Temario C. Rivera, Landlords and Capitalists: Class, Family and State in Philippine Manufacturing (Diliman QC: University of the Philippines Press, 1994) 45-46, 52, 66-67.

[3] Julio C. Teehankee, Emerging Dynasties in the Post-Marcos House of Representatives, Philippine Political Science Journal, Vol. 22 No.45 (2012): 55, 57.

[4] Bobby, M. Tuazon, Six Centuries of Political Dynasties: Why the Philippines will Forever be Ruled by Political Clans? Center for People Empowerment in Governance, (2012), 4.

[5] Ronald Mendoza, et. al., Inequality in democracy: Insights from an empirical analysis of Political Dynasties in the 15th Philippine Congress, Research Paper, Asian Institute of Management, (2012).
[6] Ibid., 14.

[7] Romeo Pefianco, “Term Limit and Political Dynasties,” Manila Bulletin Online, August 20, 2014, http://www.mb.com.ph/term-limit-and-political-dynasties/.html (accessed November 10, 2014).
[8] Ronald Mendoza, et.al., Inequality in democracy: Insights from an empirical analysis of Political Dynasties in the 15th Philippine Congress, Research Paper, Asian Institute of Management, (2012). 26,28.

[9] Steven Hood, “Families, Not Political Parties Still Reign in the Philippines” In Asia Weekly, May 22, 2013, http://asiafoundation.org/in-asia/2013/05/22/families-not-political-parties-still-reign-in-the-philippines/.html (accessed November 11, 2014).

[10] Ronald Mendoza, et.al., Political Dynasties and Poverty: Evidence from the Philippines, Research Paper, Asian Institute of Management, (2013).
[11] Ibid., 19.